Former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, has provided a revealing behind-the-scenes account of the Federal Judicial Service Commission’s selection of 12 priority candidates for elevation to the Court of Appeal disclosing that the commission rejected attempts by at least two state governors, the President of the National Industrial Court, and other powerful figures to fast-track relatives and anointed candidates onto the appellate bench ahead of more experienced and qualified nominees.
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In a series of posts on X on Sunday, Odinkalu who had earlier shared the official FJSC document listing the 12 recommended judges turned his attention to the 36 nominees from the original list of 48 who did not make the cut, revealing a pattern of political interference in judicial appointments that he said makes such processes “proxies for political tea leaves in Nigeria.”
“Judicial appointments, preferments, and elevations have become proxies for political tea leaves in Nigeria. So, it is useful to follow them closely,” Odinkalu stated.
He then provided what he described as “a sampling” of the rejected candidates and the circumstances surrounding their nominations painting a picture of a judicial appointment process under intense political pressure, with the FJSC serving as a critical but fragile bulwark against the capture of the appellate bench by politically connected candidates.
Odinkalu’s most explosive revelation concerned a nominee from Bayelsa State.
He disclosed that the second wife of the Governor of Bayelsa State, Governor Douye Diri, became a judge of the High Court of Bayelsa State in 2022 and was subsequently put forward from the state for elevation to the Court of Appeal over many more experienced and dutiful senior judges.
“The 2nd wife of the Governor of Bayelsa State became a judge of the High Court of Bayelsa State in 2022. She was put forward from the state for elevation over many more experienced and dutiful seniors,” Odinkalu stated.
He described the attempted elevation as an “express train from the Governor’s bedroom” language that drew a direct and unflattering connection between the nominee’s marital relationship with the state governor and her judicial career trajectory.
“The FJSC has slowed down that express train from the Governor’s bedroom for now,” Odinkalu stated.
The implication is stark: a judge who was appointed to the state high court in 2022 barely four years ago was being pushed for elevation to the Court of Appeal ahead of colleagues with significantly more experience on the bench, with the only apparent explanation for the accelerated trajectory being her relationship with the state’s chief executive.
The FJSC’s decision to exclude her from the priority list suggests the commission recognised that the nomination was driven by political patronage rather than judicial merit but Odinkalu’s qualifier “for now” indicates the battle may not be over, as the matter still goes to the National Judicial Council for final consideration.
In Kebbi State, Odinkalu revealed a similar pattern of gubernatorial interference.
He disclosed that the Kebbi State Governor had an “anointed candidate” who was supposed to be elevated ahead of a much more senior and more respectable nominee from the state.
“In Kebbi State, the Governor had an anointed candidate who was supposed to go in ahead of a much more senior and more respectable nominee. The Governor’s anointing oil is on reserve,” Odinkalu stated.
The FJSC’s decision to recommend Justice Sabiu Bala Shuaibu from Kebbi rather than the governor’s preferred candidate suggests the commission prioritised seniority and merit over political connections. However, Odinkalu’s characterisation of the governor’s “anointing oil” being “on reserve” implies that the rejected candidate may be pushed again at the NJC level or in future selection rounds.
Odinkalu disclosed that the wife of the President of the National Industrial Court was appointed a judge of the FCT High Court in 2022 and was pushed for elevation from Taraba State ahead of many more experienced and “frankly more qualified” candidates.
“The wife of the President of the National Industrial Court was appointed a judge of the FCT High Court in 2022 and was pushed for elevation from Taraba State again ahead of many more experienced and frankly more qualified possibilities,” Odinkalu stated.
“The FJSC has slowed that down. If it changes at the NJC, we will be here to say so,” he added a warning that he would publicly flag any reversal of the FJSC’s decision at the NJC level.
The case raises a specific conflict-of-interest concern: the President of the National Industrial Court is a judicial officer of equivalent rank to Court of Appeal justices. Having his wife elevated to the Court of Appeal through an accelerated process that bypasses more qualified candidates would create institutional awkwardness and raise legitimate questions about the independence of the appointment process.
The FJSC’s recommendation of Justice Dauda Njane Buba from Taraba State rather than the NIC President’s wife suggests the commission took these concerns seriously.
Perhaps the most damning revelation concerned an unnamed judge from Plateau State who was excluded from the priority list over concerns about unexplained wealth.
“Then there is this guy from the Plateau who is associated with the acquisition of a very expensive mansion in Maitama that could never have been purchased from legitimate judicial emoluments, including allowances. He has not made the cut from Plateau,” Odinkalu stated.
Maitama is one of the most expensive residential districts in Abuja, where properties routinely cost hundreds of millions of naira. Judicial salaries and allowances, while improved in recent years, are nowhere near sufficient to purchase the kind of property Odinkalu describes as “very expensive” even by Maitama standards.
The FJSC’s decision to recommend Justice Veronica Julcit Dadom from Plateau State instead suggests the commission was aware of the concerns about the excluded judge’s lifestyle and chose to bypass him though Odinkalu’s account does not indicate whether any formal investigation into the property acquisition has been initiated.
Odinkalu’s disclosures serve several important purposes.
First, they provide transparency into a process that is normally conducted entirely behind closed doors. By identifying the political pressures that were brought to bear on the FJSC and the commission’s decision to resist those pressures Odinkalu is creating a public record that makes it more difficult for the rejected candidates to be quietly inserted at the NJC stage.
Second, the disclosures highlight the persistent problem of political interference in judicial appointments. The fact that two state governors, the head of a superior court, and other unnamed powerful figures attempted to fast-track relatives and preferred candidates ahead of more qualified nominees suggests that the judicial appointment process is under constant political assault with the FJSC serving as a gatekeeper whose decisions can be overridden at the NJC level.
Third, the unexplained wealth allegation against the Plateau judge raises broader questions about judicial integrity and the extent to which lifestyle audits factor into elevation decisions. If a judge seeking elevation to the appellate bench has acquired property inconsistent with his legitimate income, the implications for his independence and integrity are obvious.
Fourth, Odinkalu’s explicit warning “If it changes at the NJC, we will be here to say so” serves as a deterrent against backroom reversals. By publicly flagging the rejected candidates and their political connections, he has made it significantly harder for the NJC to quietly substitute the FJSC’s merit-based selections with politically preferred alternatives without facing public scrutiny.
The Federal Judicial Service Commission’s handling of the selection process — as revealed by Odinkalu’s account suggests the body functioned as intended: screening candidates on merit, resisting political pressure, and prioritising experience and qualification over connections and patronage.
The commission’s decision to exclude a governor’s wife, a governor’s anointed candidate, the wife of a superior court president, and a judge with unexplained wealth while recommending judges with stronger credentials represents institutional integrity under pressure.
However, the FJSC is only one stage in the appointment process. The recommended names must still be considered by the National Judicial Council, which has the final say before names are forwarded to the President. If the NJC reverses any of the FJSC’s decisions particularly in favour of the politically connected candidates the FJSC rejected it will face the kind of public scrutiny that Odinkalu has explicitly promised.
Odinkalu’s overall message was clear: Nigerians must pay attention to judicial appointments because they have direct consequences for the quality and independence of the courts that decide their cases.
“Judicial appointments, preferments, and elevations have become proxies for political tea leaves in Nigeria. So, it is useful to follow them closely,” Odinkalu stated.
In a country where courts are currently deciding the fate of opposition parties, the legitimacy of elections, the prosecution of former governors, and the fundamental rights of citizens, who sits on the bench is not an abstract governance question it is a matter that directly affects the lives, liberties, and democratic rights of 200 million Nigerians.
The FJSC has made its recommendations. The NJC will make the final decision. And as Odinkalu has promised, the public will be watching.
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