By Nonyerem Ibiam Esq.

Functionalist theorists believe that security agencies perform vital functions to maintain social order, reduce crime, and promote cooperation in society. This perspective sees security agencies as necessary for a well-functioning society, much like other institutions, and as fulfilling roles such as crime prevention, upholding order, and delivering emergency and social services.

Security agencies in many developed societies have attained this level of functionality by maintaining neutrality, implementing laws, conducting investigations, and safeguarding lives and property, while also addressing various matters such as traffic management, conflict mediation, and ensuring public safety in emergencies. Security agencies in these developed societies participate in community-focused policing to foster relationships, support citizens, and tackle the underlying factors contributing to crime.

Conflict theorists, on the other hand, believe that security agencies act as instruments of social control used by dominant groups to maintain power and inequality, rather than as neutral enforcers of law. According to them, society is composed of different groups with competing interests, and that the security agencies and the criminal justice system are tools used by the groups in power to protect their interests and control the less powerful.

Security agencies in many developing societies still operate as agents that uphold inequality rather than serving as impartial arbiters of justice. In nations where security agencies remain tools of oppression, the emphasis is not on the impartial application of the law, but rather on preserving the power dynamics of the political elite.

A classic example of the conflict theory regarding the role of security agencies in a society is evident in Nigeria. It appears the Nigerian security forces are tools of oppression that are only tough and particularly efficient at confronting ordinary citizens and unarmed civilians. Every Nigerian knows the familiar pattern: security forces are quick to respond to peaceful protests when politicians feel threatened, but lethargic when ordinary Nigerians cry for help.

In October 2020, this grim observation came to life when thousands of young Nigerians gathered across the country to demand an end to police brutality under the banner of #EndSARS. What began as a peaceful call for justice quickly turned into a national tragedy. At the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, protesters waving flags and singing the national anthem were met with the crackle of gunfire.

The very security agents meant to protect them opened fire on their own citizens. The night sky glowed with chaos—screams, confusion, and the haunting echoes of bullets. When dawn came, the government denied what millions had witnessed online. Yet, the bloodstains on the asphalt and the silence of the fallen spoke louder than any official statement.

Many Nigerians were shocked by how a government can send its heavily armed security forces against unarmed citizens, yet fail to apply the same level of force against bandits who carry out mass kidnappings, rural invasions, and terror attacks that have left thousands dead and millions displaced.

The question arises as to why the Nigerian security forces frequently exhibit reluctance or ineffectiveness in confronting armed bandits and criminals. Additionally, why do government officials and security operatives resort to negotiations, peace talks, or even the provision of so-called “amnesty” to those who commit violent crimes against their citizens?

Because of the stark contrast in how force is applied, many Nigerians view their security forces as cowardly for confronting only unarmed civilians while avoiding direct engagement with armed bandits. It is very shameful that when protesters, students, or other unarmed citizens take to the streets, the security agencies often respond with overwhelming violence—firing live ammunition, making mass arrests, and intimidating the populace. Yet, when it comes to confronting heavily armed bandits or terrorists, these same forces frequently appear hesitant, afraid, underprepared, or even complicit.

To answer these questions, one must understand the foundations of the Nigerian security agencies. Many years after independence, the Nigerian security architecture is still stuck in its colonial mentality. Nigeria’s security system was never originally built to serve the people. During colonial rule, the police and military were instruments of domination, established to suppress local resistance and maintain control over the colonies.

Independence did not dismantle that structure — it merely changed the masters. The same coercive machinery that once enforced colonial authority was inherited by post-colonial leaders, who repurposed it to maintain their political power. Therefore, the Nigerian security system was designed for control, not service — to secure rulers, not citizens.

In a true democracy, security agencies are neutral and professional, not politicized. In Nigeria, however, the heads of security agencies often owe their allegiance not to the constitution or the Nigerian people, but to those who appointed them — the political elite. As a result, security resources are frequently deployed to protect the interests of politicians rather than the safety of citizens. It is therefore very common to see numerous security personnel assigned to protect a single politician, while entire Nigerian communities are left with minimal or no security presence.

Although huge sums of money are allocated every year to defense and security, much of it is squandered through corruption, inflated contracts, and ghost projects. While troops on the frontlines often lack adequate weapons, ammunition, and welfare, leaving them demoralized and vulnerable, high-ranking officers and political contractors feeding off the chaos have no incentive to end it. Because of this corrupt system, ordinary citizens become the easiest targets for these frustrated security personnel to be extorted, harassed, and silenced with minimal resistance.

Some analysts have blamed the problem on the lack of intelligence gathering and inter-agency coordination. Our security agencies have totally failed to use proper intelligence gathering and inter-agency cooperation against terrorists and bandits who operate freely across the country. These analysts have accused the Nigerian security agencies of lacking the required discipline to perform intelligence work, which involves thorough research, surveillance, critical thinking, methodical planning, patience, and professionalism.

In contrast, clamping down on ordinary citizens requires no intelligence. To the various security agencies, it is easier to track down students tweeting about bad governance than to locate armed groups hiding in forests. Also, it is easier to deal with unarmed peaceful protesters who are swiftly dispersed within minutes than to confront well-armed bandits who overrun entire communities for months.

The state’s coercive power, rather than being employed to address genuine threats against the state, is instead directed against easy targets like protesters. This has resulted in a reactive security culture that punishes the weak and vulnerable but ignores the real threats to national security growing in the shadows.

In Nigeria, security agents mistreat civilians all the time. Extrajudicial killings, extortions, illegal detentions, and acts of violence against citizens are rife. However, when terrorists and bandits attack military facilities, overrun communities, or kidnap large numbers of schoolchildren, the government and security agencies typically respond with press releases and begin negotiations with them. This inconsistency fosters a climate of double standards — one where displays of gallantry are aimed at ordinary citizens, the weak, and the vulnerable, while cowardice is masked as strategy in interactions with armed threats.

Many security experts believe that terrorism, kidnappings, armed robbery, banditry, and other criminal activities are common in most parts of Nigeria because the security system is designed to protect the political elite, which  ultimately leaves the entire nation vulnerable.

We pray for a day when there will be a fundamental shift in Nigeria’s security architecture  from regime security and protection, to human security. The Nigerian security agencies must be depoliticized, corruption rooted out, and officers retrained to see citizens as partners, not enemies. Genuine accountability must replace impunity, and investments in intelligence and welfare must be prioritized over political showmanship.

Although the elite may feel insulated today, it is only a matter of time before the total collapse of our entire national security. Those enjoying political power today should know that insecurity does not respect power; it eventually reaches even those who built walls around themselves. A society that does not protect its most vulnerable members has failed. When ordinary citizens are insecure facing violence, poverty, or injustice the entire system becomes unstable. Crime, unrest, and rebellion often arise from neglected or oppressed populations.

Nigeria will continue to live under the shameful irony of a security system that can chase unarmed protesters off the streets in seconds, yet cannot rescue innocent villagers from the grip of bandits for years.

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