The speculated defection of Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has been shifted from Monday, January 5, 2026, to Monday, January 12, 2026, dailytrust reports

A close ally to Governor Yusuf hinted that the earlier date fixed for the official defection has now been rescheduled to allow the governor to further engage a few remaining state legislators and other key stakeholders who are yet to fully align with the proposed political move.

A highly placed source, who requested anonymity and was present at a meeting between Governor Yusuf and Vice President Kashim Shettima in Abuja on Friday, revealed that the governor appealed for additional time.

Sources close to Governor Yusuf disclosed that Vice President Kashim Shettima, APC National Chairman Yitwalda Nentawe, former governor of the state Abdullahi Ganduje, along with the state chairman of the party Abdullahi Abbas, are expected at a brief ceremony on his defection into the ruling party in Abuja.

Kano, the ancient city regarded as a major hub of northern Nigerian politics, has in recent days been awash with reports of the governor’s planned defection from the NNPP to the APC, a development that has taken many political observers by surprise, given its potential implications for the political balance in the state.

As preparations for the 2027 elections gradually gather momentum and following the defection of his governor along with most members of the Kano State House of Assembly to the APC, former Kano State Governor and leader of the NNPP, Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, is weighing the option of teaming up with former Vice President and 2023 presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, and the 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate and former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi, under the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

While his political structure appears to be moving to the APC, Kwankwaso is reportedly in talks with the ADC about joining the coalition party along with members of the Kwankwasiyya movement, who are his loyal supporters.

Sources said quiet negotiations are already underway as the politicians explore the possibility of forming a united front ahead of 2027 elections.

If the talks between Atiku, Obi and Kwankwaso succeed, it could dramatically reshape opposition politics and alter the country’s political math.

But while the ruling party projects confidence with 28 governors in its fold currently, an emboldened opposition is quietly rebuilding, betting that public frustration could reset the balance of power.

Obi had on Wednesday defected to ADC with his supporters, opposition leaders and some opposition National Assembly and State Assembly lawmakers.

Obi joins the likes of Atiku, David Mark, Aminu Tambuwal, Emeka Ihedioha, Rauf Aregbesola, Nasir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, and Abubakar Malami, among others, in their quest to win the 2027 elections.

A chieftain of the ADC, Dr. Ladan Salihu, on Friday said Obi joining the ADC has altered Nigeria’s opposition landscape and has positioned the party as a formidable challenger to the ruling APC.

Also on Friday, the APC further tightened its dominance, as Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang formally defected to the ruling party.

These emerged as the PDP on Friday said while its immediate concern was to ensure that all legal issues concerning its leadership are addressed, the opposition must agree to work together to defeat the ruling party.

As with many godfather-godson relationships in Nigeria’s political history, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf appears to have fallen out with his political mentor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

In what has become a dramatic week in Kano politics, a relationship spanning more than four decades, dating back to their years as civil engineers at the Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency (WRECA) in the 1980s, has come under severe strain, as personal ambition and political survival test a bond further cemented by marital ties between both families.

Until recently, Yusuf was regarded as one of the closest members of Kwankwaso’s inner circle. Popularly known as “Abba PA”, a reference to his long years as Kwankwaso’s personal assistant, Yusuf’s loyalty to his mentor spanned over 40 years, from bureaucratic service to partisan politics, eventually making him an in-law of the former governor.

When Kwankwaso resigned from WRECA to join politics, Yusuf followed. During Kwankwaso’s first tenure as governor between 1999 and 2003, Yusuf served as his personal assistant and continued in that role when Kwankwaso became Minister of Defence during the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Upon Kwankwaso’s return as governor in 2011, Yusuf was appointed Principal Private Secretary and later Commissioner for Works, one of the most influential portfolios in the state government.

After Kwankwaso left office in 2015, Yusuf remained his private secretary before being handpicked as the Kwankwasiyya Movement’s governorship candidate in 2019, an election he narrowly lost. In 2023, again with Kwankwaso’s backing, Yusuf emerged governor.

Multiple sources close to the duo said the falling-out caught many by surprise and that political battle lines have now been drawn, suggesting that unless a major compromise is reached, both leaders may soon be openly critical of each other.

At the centre of the crisis, sources said, is a familiar dynamic in godfather politics: the godfather’s expectation of unquestioned loyalty, rooted in the belief that the godson’s political rise and survival are owed entirely to him, and the godson’s growing insistence on autonomy, driven by a conviction that he has come of age politically.

The rift burst into the open this week when several aides to the governor confirmed his plans to defect from the NNPP to the APC. The move, however, reportedly did not receive Kwankwaso’s blessing, with the former governor said to have complained that he was not given convincing reasons for such a switch.

Governor Yusuf’s planned defection to the APC has reportedly been opposed by Kwankwaso and has sparked sharp disagreement within the Kwankwasiyya movement.

Sources said Yusuf’s decision is “irreversible”, even if it leads to a complete rupture with Kwankwaso.

A senior aide to the governor, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the decision was largely driven by internal crises within the NNPP which, he said, could jeopardise Yusuf’s chances of securing a second term.

“The major reason is that the NNPP is no longer a viable platform because of the numerous litigations against it,” the source said. “Even if the governor stays, Kwankwaso’s inner circle has decided he will not get the ticket. Their plan is to give the deputy governor the chance.”

The source further alleged that resistance to Yusuf’s re-election was rooted in fears that his growing profile and visible projects across the state could eclipse Kwankwaso’s political legacy.

“They don’t want him to outshine Kwankwaso. His work is visible, and they don’t want him to continue,” he said.

Sources close to both Governor Yusuf and Senator Kwankwaso said the feud is essentially political rather than personal, insisting it is driven largely by the political survival instincts of both leaders.

“The main issue is that Kwankwaso became disappointed with Governor Yusuf because the level of loyalty he expected is no longer there. He felt he was not enjoying the loyalty he used to,” one of the sources said.

According to the source, Kwankwaso’s disappointment stemmed from the growing independence Yusuf began to assert in governance.

“He thought he would still be treating files and giving approvals. He more or less appointed all the commissioners and heads of agencies at the beginning of the administration, and this influence continued until recently. Even in the appointment of the new anti-corruption boss, the governor wanted to retain Muhuyi, but Kwankwaso opposed it and brought in the current one,” the source said.

Offering his perspective on the feud, Barrister Muhuyi Magaji, a former chairman of the Kano State Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission (PCACC), said a widely held view of the Yusuf administration is that Kwankwaso has been “unofficially running a third term.”

“Everyone knew he continued to exercise a domineering influence over the government,” Magaji said.

Now in private legal practice but still close to the governor, Magaji said no elected governor could function effectively without having a say in the political affairs of his administration.

“From my own insight, the governor was not allowed to participate meaningfully in decision-making. He was expected to function as a proxy,” he said. “When they needed something, they came to him. That is not tenable for any governor.”

He cited the emergence of local government chairmen as an example.

“The governor had zero input. They were all handpicked by Kwankwaso,” he said, adding that several prominent figures who exited the movement, including Kawu Sumaila and Kofa, were simply told to leave.

“Democracy encourages participation and diverse interests. You cannot run a democratic state like an empire where one person decides everything,” he said.

According to sources, Kwankwaso allegedly mapped out two political scenarios once the rift began.

One option was to allow the NNPP to lose power, hence the zero effort to resolve the internal crisis that split the party into two factions. The second, which we learnt had already been activated, was to remove the governor and replace him with his deputy, Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo,” one source said, because they control the state assembly for now.

The plan to install Gwarzo allegedly involved two possible routes.

“The first was to allow Yusuf to complete his tenure but deny him the ticket for a second term, replacing him with Gwarzo on the ballot since Kwankwaso controls the party structure in Kano and at the national level,” the source said.

“The second option was that if Yusuf defected from the NNPP, Kwankwaso would deploy the state assembly, where he believed he controlled 27 members—the exact constitutional number required for impeachment.”

Those calculations reportedly changed once Yusuf’s defection plans became public.

“That was when Kwankwaso realised that the loyalty of most assembly members had shifted to the governor,” the source said.

He said Kwankwaso initially convened a meeting of assembly stakeholders to prepare for Yusuf’s impeachment. After learning of the planned defection to the APC, he also summoned a meeting of local government chairmen, attended by 27 out of the 44.

On the same day, Kwankwaso reportedly invited 27 members of the state assembly to another meeting. About 20 lawmakers, including the speaker, deputy speaker and majority leader, attended.

“All 20 of them told him they were with the governor and intended to defect with him to the APC,” the source said. “With the 20 lawmakers aligned with Yusuf and the 13 APC members, the governor effectively has the support of 33 legislators, making impeachment impossible.”

From Yusuf’s camp, sources said the counter-strategy now being considered is to deploy the same bloc of lawmakers to impeach the deputy governor after the defection since Gwarzo has reportedly aligned with Kwankwaso and ruled out joining the move to the APC.

One source said it was not surprising that a day after the crisis erupted, the deputy governor travelled to Saudi Arabia for the lesser hajj.

“His trip is strategic,” the source said, adding that allies of the governor are describing the journey as a spiritual effort to shield him from the political fallout of the crisis.

However, some insiders said the deputy governor is neutral, adding that he holds both Governor Yusuf and Kwankwaso in high esteem.

As part of the New Year celebration, the deputy governor extended felicitations to both warring parties, a move sources said was deliberate to show his “indifferent posture” for now.

In the message signed by his spokesman Ibrahim Garba Shuaibu, Gwarzo applauded Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for his visionary leadership while equally lauding Senator Kwankwaso for his enduring mentorship, political wisdom and fatherly guidance.

It was gathered that Governor Yusuf currently enjoys the support of 40 of the 44 local government chairmen in the state, while Kwankwaso controls two with the remaining yet to take a position. Among members of the House of Representatives from Kano, Kwankwaso is said to have four, while Yusuf controls the remaining nine.

The feud between Governor Yusuf and his political godfather has further fractured the NNPP in Kano State, plunging the party deeper into turmoil.

Even before the latest crisis, the NNPP in Kano was already split, with a rival faction loyal to the Agbo Major-led national leadership challenging the legitimacy of the Hashimu Sulaiman Dungurawa-led state executive, which was aligned with Senator Kwankwaso.

With the announced expulsion of Dungurawa and the emergence of a new leadership pledging loyalty to Governor Yusuf, the party has effectively splintered into three factions in the state.

A party source said the objective of the new faction is to eventually collapse the NNPP’s entire structure in Kano into the APC once the governor formally announces his defection.

Amid the deepening crisis, the National Working Committee (NWC) of the NNPP faction loyal to Kwankwaso dissolved the party’s executive committees at the state, local government and ward levels in Kano State.

The decision followed an emergency meeting of the party’s national leadership in Abuja, according to a statement issued by the NNPP National Publicity Secretary, Ladipo Johnson.

The internal crisis also took a legal turn on Friday following a ruling by a Kano State High Court affirming Hon. Abdullahi Zubairu Abiya as the Acting State Chairman of the NNPP in Kano.

In the interim order, the court upheld the suspension of the former state chairman, Hashimu Dungurawa, and restrained him from interfering in the affairs of the party pending the determination of the substantive suit.

Justice Zuwaira Yusuf of High Court No. 13, Miller Road, Kano, delivered the ruling following a motion ex parte dated December 30, 2025, filed by members of the NNPP from Gargari Ward, Dawakin Tofa Local Government Area.

The applicants urged the court to uphold the disciplinary process that led to Dungurawa’s suspension over allegations of denigrating the office and person of Governor Yusuf, creating divisions within the party and failing to pay party dues.

The court fixed January 19 for the hearing of the substantive suit.

The unfolding drama is hardly new in Kano, a state with a long history of political alliances that have either collapsed or morphed into open rivalry.

During the Second Republic, the alliance between Mallam Aminu Kano and then Governor Abubakar Rimi fractured, triggering internal splits that weakened the People’s Redemption Party (PRP).

In the Fourth Republic, the once-close relationship between former Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his deputy, Abdullahi Ganduje, famously collapsed after their second term together, eventually leading to Ganduje’s emergence as governor in 2015 under the APC.

Similarly, former Governor Ibrahim Shekarau fell out with key allies over party control, a rupture that precipitated defections and realignments and reshaped Kano’s political landscape for years.

“These patterns show that Kano politics thrives on strong personalities, but those personalities often clash,” said Alhassan Bala, a veteran journalist and political observer. “What we are seeing now fits squarely into Kano’s political DNA.”

Observers have drawn parallels with crises in Rivers and Benue States since 2023. In Rivers, the feud between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his estranged political godfather, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, culminated in a declaration of a state of emergency. In Benue, Governor Hyacinth Alia’s standoff with his political benefactor and Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, has defied reconciliation efforts.

The looming defection has reopened old rivalries in Kano politics, revived questions about the volatility of godfather-godson relationships and reshaped political calculations ahead of the 2027 general elections.

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