How Constitution Amendment Can Stabilize Democracy, Enthrone Equity And Promote Peace And Unity In Nigeria.

By Professor Taiwo Osipitan, SAN

(Being a paper presented at Legal Practice (LPD) Webinar Part 1, held on 11 November 2021. THEME: Role of Lawyers in Resolving Nigeria’s Security and Stability Challenges)

1. Introductory

Insecurity is a major reason why democracy or state may fail. Examples of states that have failed or failing include Yemen, Somalia, South Sudan, and Syria. Commonalities of these failed or failing states include poverty, insecurity of lives and properties, weak governance, collapse of infrastructure, loss of credibility, violent crimes and illiteracy[1]. A democracy or state fails when the state cannot deliver effectively basic goods and services, when the state cannot protect lives and properties. Has Nigeria Failed? No. However, there is no country too big to fail. The country may fail, or our democracy may die due to loss of credibility and trust of the people[2] in the government.  The road to a state’s failure is dangerously slippery and deceptive.  On how democracies die, Levitsky and Ziblatt contend and rightly so, that “many government efforts to subvert democracy are “legal,” in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy – making the judiciary more efficient, combatting corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.  Newspapers still publish but are bought off or bullied into self-censorship. Citizens continue to criticise the government but often find themselves facing tax or other legal troubles. This sows public confusion. People do not immediately realize what is happening ….as these patterns become visible, the steps toward breakdown grow less ambiguous[3]” Does that ring a bell in Nigeria? The invasion of Justices’ residences, the various legislations to gag press freedom, and the harassment of the opposing political figures by the EFFC and the ICPC are pointers to where we are heading.

Factors that may be Responsible for the Loss of Credibility and trust of the people[4]

1. Lopsided Appointments

At the inception of President Muhammadu Buhari’s civilian administration in 2015, he swore to “belong to everybody” and “belong to nobody”. However, six years into his administration, controversies and agitations have trailed many of his appointments. This is one of the major reasons for the loss of credibility and trust of the people. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi religious society. The Nigerian Constitution recognises this diversity by emphasising the need to protect the right of the minority, accommodate the disadvantaged and ensure even distribution of resources among the various federating units. S. 14 (3) of the Constitution provides that “the composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few States or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or in any of its agencies” Section 147 (3) 1999 Constitution and Section 171 (5) 1999 Constitution also provide respectively that the appointments of Ministers and government functionaries must reflect the provisions of Federal Character.  These Constitutional provisions have been observed in breach in this dispensation. Hence, breach of peace across the country. The South-East and South-South parts of Nigeria have marginal appointments, while the Northern parts of the country have significant and majority appointments. For example, a regional analysis of the heads of security agencies conducted by the International Centre for Investigative Reports, ICIR, including paramilitary and antigraft agencies based on their state of origin shows that 12 out of 16 of them (75 percent) are from the northern part of the country[5].

1. Multi-layer Inequalities in Nigeria

Nigeria suffers from the worst form of inequalities. Economic inequality, gender inequality, retrogressive taxation, oppression of the masses by the elite through cronyism and misapplication of scarce resources, are some of the plagues confronting this country.  These inequalities combine to undermine the trust of the people in the government and by implication, they combine to undermine the unity, cohesion, and the sovereignty of the country.  Economic inequalities in Nigeria have reached extreme and worrying levels, “the sheer number of Nigerians living below the poverty line increased from 69 million in 2004 to 112 in 2020, equivalent to 69% of the population.[6]” Also, in Nigeria, majority of women are employed “in casual, low-skilled, low-paid informal jobs; women are less likely than men to own land and 75.8% of the poorest women have never been to school, compared to 28% of the richest men. In Jigawa State, 94% of women (against 42% of men) are illiterate. As a result of these disadvantages, women are more likely to be poor than men, and keep being excluded from full participation in the country’s economic, social and political life”[7].

1. Insecurity

Across the country, there is constant daily and overlapping reports of violence – from terrorism to banditry, kidnapping, arson, murder, and extreme ethnic clashes. With every attack, lives and properties are lost and faith in the unity of the country is diminished. This is particularly so when the Federal government (or its agencies) is perceived as tacitly endorsing violence, by supporting or refusing to unambiguously condemn and confront banditry and other forms of significant extreme violence in the North, while those agitating for succession and self-determination are ruthlessly dealt with in the South.

1. Poverty

Nigeria’s poverty rate is truly worrying and edging Nigeria towards a failed state. There is excruciating poverty everywhere. The benefits of this economy, if any, are being reaped by a few elites.  In accordance with the Nigerian National Bureau of Statistics, as at 2020, 40% or 83 million Nigerians lived in abject poverty.  This is more than the total population of Ghana, Botswana, Togo, United Kingdom etc. Taking into consideration that food prices have been rising as well as the unemployment rate and the downwards trend of the economy, this figure would have risen dramatically.  Regional inequality is high in Nigeria, and it translates into higher rates of poverty in the North-Western states of the country. For example, statistics show “that there is a significant regional inequality in poverty spread. More people are poor in the northern part of Nigeria when compared to the southern regions. Of these, the north-eastern part of the country returned more poverty indices. Adamawa (75.4 per cent), Yobe (72.3 per cent), Sokoto (87.7 per cent), Taraba (87.7 per cent), Zamfara (72.3 per cent), and Jigawa (87.2 per cent)”[8] all have percentages of poor people far above national average.  Is there any surprise why there are more incidents of banditry, kidnapping and terrorism from this region?

Sadly enough, poverty and inequality in Nigeria are not due to dearth of human, natural and economic resources, but to the inefficiency, indefensible high cost of governance, misapplication, misappropriation and misallocation of the nation’s resources. The political elite use Nigeria’s resources to fund lavish and extravagant lifestyles without being held accountable. Most of the masses are now very bitter, upset and have become disinterested in the unity of Nigeria.

It is generally acknowledged that Nigeria has grown increasingly fragile in recent times because of the multi-dimensional crisis ravaging the country.  This is not at all surprising in a country where 42.5 percent of the youth population is unemployed[9] or unemployable.    In the Northeast, Boko Haram is ravaging; in the Northwest, kidnapping is the order of the day. School children, women and vulnerable people are often the targets. In the East and Southwest, succession agitations, armed robbery, arsons, jail breaks and kidnapping are rampant. Poverty, cattle rustling, and sexual violence are prevalent across the country.

Published research findings have identified and acknowledged five pathways to state failure.[10] They include:

1. Escalation of communal group conflicts: A civil disobedience occurs and a breakdown because the ethnic groups longer have trust in the government to do justice and maintain cohesion. The state would have lost the authority to apply the law and maintain order due to exclusionary practices or force and intimidation of government officials that are perceived as ineffective, corrupt and unjust. Examples abound in the Southeast where IPOB has been constantly making sit-at-home declarations.
2. State predation: When a regime is perceived to be heavy handed, intolerant to opposing views, insensitive to valid and legitimate grievances, and its public functionaries live a life of opulence and seemingly above the Law and operate with impunity. Examples include the raid on Justice Odili’s house.
3. Regional or guerrilla rebellion: The breakdown occurs when a regional group perceives itself to be excluded by the state and succeeds in recruiting further supporters through continued state ineffectiveness. Examples include IPOB, Omo Odua etc
4. Democratic collapse: A new administration, while initially benefiting from popular support, can suffer from factionalism that reduces their effectiveness. Continued ineffectiveness invites violent conflicts and undermines legitimacy. Examples include Nigeria.
5. Succession or reform crises in authoritarian states: The APC government is anchored on the popularity of President Muhammadu Buhari without a clearly defined path for the growth of the Nigerian Economy or succession path. Example, APC government.

Call for Constitutional Amendment as a Panacea for Peace

In sum, anyone who is concerned about the future of Nigeria will be worried about the situation in the country; there is doom and despondency looming everywhere. A combination of the above factors is edging the country to the precipice; a situation of great peril or avoidable and unending conflicts demands a re-evaluation of how we proceed to the future and more particularly how to arrest the impending explosion. Based on the discourse above, taking into consideration the facts and figures, Nigeria as presently constituted is unsustainable and heading slowly but surely to self-induced perdition. Our recommendation is set out below:

1. Police: Urgent need for Systemic Reorganization

Nigeria is a federation consisting of a federal government and thirty-six states. Section 215 (2) of the Nigerian Constitution provides thus: “The Nigeria Police Force shall be under the command of the Inspector-General of Police and contingents of the Nigeria Police Force stationed in a state shall, subject to the authority of the Inspector-General of Police, be under the command of the Commissioner of Police of that state.”  This section provides for one police force for the federation controlled by the Federal Government, as the President or such Minister as the Government may authorize, is entitled to give the IGP directions.

The Nigerian Police Force (NPF) was established around 1930 when the country’s population was barely 20.7 million[11] people, and crime rate and sophistication were comparatively lower than they are presently. As at today, Nigeria has a population of about 206.1 million people.[12] The NPF as presently constituted is no longer fit for purpose.  This is manifested in its inability to make arrests in relation to the diverse ongoing crimes and violent conflicts presently besieging the country, including banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, unknown gun men killing innocent people and killing security personnel.   The NPF has failed to bring the perpetuators of these violent crimes to justice and has also blatantly failed to prevent most of these violent attacks. Violent crimes continue unabated across the country.

It requires a fundamental restructuring to bring the police in tune with modern best practices across the globe. To position the Police for optimal and efficient performance, we recommend a major reorganisation of the NPF. Research findings have revealed that the commission of crime is majorly local – its prevention ought to be local as well. To put an end to these violent crimes, we recommend the deployment of local intelligence for the prevention, detection, and prosecution of crime.   However, local intelligence will only thrive where the locals have trust and belief in the ability of the law enforcement agencies. At present, across the country, trust and confidence in the Nigerian police has been eroded by reason of the many factors previously discussed above. A police officer should be conversant with the language and culture of the people being policed otherwise little will be achieved. Lessons can be drawn from the recent US experiences in Afghanistan.

It is suggested that locals should be enlisted in the Nigerian Police Force. Such locals should not be posted outside their regions. This will make easy access to intelligence possible. It will also promote trust and credibility between the Police and the People. Emphasis and focus should be on partnership with the communities and decentralisation of powers for effective crime fighting. The involvement of the community in crime fighting is a very essential component of modern policing. This will also enhance unity and integration and the NPF will be seen as our police as opposed to what we presently have. Presently, the NPF is alien to the people and perceived as nobody’s friend. This narrative must change to allow the people and the communities across the country to own the police, though still under the federal government, but with more inclusive and responsive community based and friendly units.  Red-tapism, political, religious, and cultural considerations are administrative bottlenecks that habr bogged down effective deployment of police in quelling ethno religious or cultural violence.

III. The Judiciary and the Court System

An efficient and responsive judicial system is the hallmark of a constitutional democracy.  The justice system must be efficient and responsive. At present, the court system is not as efficient and responsive as it should be. The judiciary is facing a myriad of problems which include personnel, financial, constitutional, and executive interference.  There is a notable backlog of pending cases in all the courts in Nigeria. The waiting time at the Supreme Court in civil matters is about five to seven years. At the Court of Appeal, litigants may have to wait for upwards of five years for their civil matters to be determined. The workload of the justices is enormous and court facilities, grossly inadequate.  Some judges die in the process while some others are forced into early retirement. The Nigerian justice system needs some introspection and requires urgent reforms. Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa, JCA in Sahara Reporters & Anor v. Saraki (2018) LPELR-49738 (CA) observed that “by the very nature of its fundamental functions and role, thereof, the judiciary is the citizens’ last line of defence and hope in a free democratic society. Indeed, it is the line separating constitutionalism from totalitarianism.” Unfortunately, majority of Nigerian citizens do not share the optimism of Hon Justice Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa. It is generally believed that the justice system is expensive, conservative and time consuming. Many are daily resorting to self-help across the country and others have the feeling of helplessness. For example, Sunday Igboho and his followers resorted to self-help in the face of constant and relentless aggression on their communities by unknown people that the law enforcements agencies have failed to arrest whilst maiming, killing, raping, and kidnapping their people.

It is our candid belief that the court system is due for major reforms. The Constitution should be amended, particularly Chapter VII of the Constitution. The States or Six regions should have their respective Supreme Courts and all matters in relation to interpretation of state laws should terminate at the State or Regional Supreme Courts. Employment, labour, commercial, land and chieftaincy matters should terminate at the State or Regional Supreme Courts. In addition, the principle of judicial independence should be enforced in reality, and the mode of appointment and remuneration of judges should also be revisited.

1. Addressing Lopsided Appointments

It has been shown above that one of the major drivers of insecurity across the country is the lopsided political appointments to favour a particular section of the country by the Federal government. In addressing this malaise, the Constitution should be revised to give effect to Sections 14 (3), Section 147 (3), Section 171 (5) 1999 and other sections of the Constitution that promote inclusivity, unity and national integration. In other words, provisions preventing lopsided appointments should be made justiciable. In addition, section 143 of the Constitution should be revised to expressly make failure to comply with these sections an impeachable offence. The legislature should be compelled to commence impeachment proceedings against a President or a State Governor who fails to respect federal or state character in appointments.

1. Fiscal Federalism, VAT proceeds and Fiscal Relationships

In order to ensure stability, strengthen democracy, promote national unity, peaceful co-existence and curb extreme violence, the persistent clamour for a revised revenue sharing formula must be addressed. The revenue sharing formula among the constituent parts of the federation must be effected in a manner that promotes fairness and equity to enable all the constituent parts fulfil their constitutional responsibilities. In addition to any amount that is due to be shared, Section 162 (2) of the 1999 Constitution provides that not less than 13% of revenues generated from natural resources be allocated to the generating state based on the principle of derivation.  In the face of dilapidated infrastructure, increasing workforce, inflation, growing population and perceived overbearing influence by the Federal Government, there have been increased agitations for more control of natural resources by the state and the host communities. These agitations have become more violent and are partly responsible for the call for self-determination and secession. These are real existential threats to lives, properties and to our democracy. We are of the opinion that the time has come to address the agitation; the Constitution should be amended to either increase the amount of derivation payable to the state or be amended to give control of resources to the producing states while the producing states pay tax to the Federal Government.

The Value Added Tax Debate

The ongoing debate is that, should the Federal Government continue to collect VAT?  The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) a Federal Government agency, has been solely responsible for the collection of VAT in Nigeria. However, in AG Rivers State v. FIRS & AG Federation (FHC/PH/CS/149/2020), the court barred the FIRS from the collection and administration of VAT. Without going into the technicalities of the matter, it is just and fair to either allow the state to administer and collect VAT because the tax is based on goods and services consumed in the states. The other option is to significantly adjust the 20 per cent derivation to 50% to favour the generating states. We should be mindful that the generating states are responsible for the provision and maintenance of infrastructure in the generating states; roads, hospital and education are substantially maintained by the generating states. A state that has not generated VAT should either be exempted or nominally entitled.

1. Free Qualitative and Compulsory Education

A cursory look at the statistics on poverty above reveals that poverty and extreme violence are bed fellows and are more rampant in the least educated regions of Nigeria – these being the North-West and North-East. Unemployment, discriminatory practices against women, polygamy and uncontrolled childbearing are also rampant in the North. The underlying factor is illiteracy and lack of economic and vocational skills. Since the inception of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015, budgetary allocation to education has consistently been meagre.  Majority of States also have terrible allocation to Education. With poor publicly funded education, misappropriation and non-implementation of the budgetary allocation, many Nigerians are kept out of Schools. To make the matter worse, kidnappers, bandits and terrorists have also consistently attacked schools, students, and teachers, resulting in the closure of many schools. Lack of access to schools and qualitative education will only help in breeding more terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers.

Education as a human right, encompasses the right of everyone within the jurisdiction of the state to receive free and publicly funded primary education. Unlike some other socio-economic rights, Article 13 (2) (a) of the ICESCR states that primary education ‘shall be’ compulsory and free.  This confers on State parties, obligations that are immediately enforceable. Unlike the engagement of the phrase secondary and higher education ‘shall be made’ available and accessible, which confers a progressive obligation under Article 13 (2) (b) and (c), on the State parties. Article 14 ICESCR confirms the urgent nature of the duty concerning primary education:

Each State Party to the present Covenant which, at the time of becoming a Party, has not been able to secure in its metropolitan territory or other territories under its jurisdiction compulsory primary education, free of charge, undertakes, within two years, to work out and adopt a detailed plan of action for the progressive implementation, within a reasonable number of years, to be fixed in the plan, of the principle of compulsory education free of charge for all.

Article 14 ICESCR recognises the essential nature of primary education and places a limit to its progressive realisation because “the main delivery system for the basic education of children outside the family is primary schooling. Primary education must be universal, ensure that the basic learning needs of all children are satisfied, and take account of the culture, needs and opportunities of the community.”

Primary education must be free because children are prohibited from working, they cannot afford to pay. For example, in its Concluding Observation on Cameroon, the CESCR ‘notes with deep concern that there is no legislation in Cameroon which provides for free primary education. The Committee regrets the requirement of a parental contribution in the form of compulsory fees levied by primary schools which, in view of high levels of poverty, greatly restrict access to primary education, particularly for girls.’  Moreover, it will be difficult to make primary school compulsory if parents cannot afford to pay.  State parties should work towards cost-free education. All charges on primary school pupils must be eliminated by state parties. No child should be made to pay any charges to access primary education; there should be prohibition on Parents Teachers Association fees, uniform fees, text-book fees, registration fees, transport fees, meal fees etc. So that irrespective of financial background, all children should be able to access school unhindered. ‘Primary education is an investment with no immediate return and is part of public law. Public investment yields economic returns with much delay, and then only in combination with other assets. Moreover, education is not only about the transmission of knowledge and skills. Education is a public good because it represents the most widespread form of institutionalised socialisation of children’. The CESCR comments:

The nature of this requirement is unequivocal. The right is expressly formulated so as to ensure the availability of primary education without charge to the child, parents or guardians. Fees imposed by the Government, the local authorities, or the school, and other direct costs, constitute disincentives to the enjoyment of the right and may jeopardise its realisation. They are also highly regressive.

Compulsion on the child to attend and receive primary education needs further explanation because coercion in the field of human rights is ordinarily antithetical to human dignity. However, this is a positive coercion. The CESCR comments:

The element of compulsion serves to highlight the fact that neither parents, nor guardians, nor the State are entitled to treat as optional the decision as to whether the child should have access to primary education. Similarly, the prohibition of gender discrimination in access to education, required also by articles 2 and 3 of the Covenant, is further underlined by this requirement. It should be emphasised, however, that the education offered must be adequate in quality, relevant to the child and must promote the realisation of the child’s other rights.

Primary education is compulsory because the child is legally incapable of making an articulated choice in this regard. It is therefore incumbent on the State Party to protect all children and guide them to make the right steps in this regard. Children are vulnerable and are at the mercy of their parents or guardians. Such a fiduciary relationship requires regulation and supervision from the States. For example, in the North and some other parts of the country, some parents will rather send their children to the farm or to hawk on the streets than send them to school. In some other countries, female children are not sent to schools because of the belief that sending them to school will make them promiscuous and reduce the dowry that will be paid on them. For these reasons, it is good practice for state parties to regulate and make primary education free and compulsory in the overall interest of the child. Moreover, all international treaties on human rights provide that primary education be made compulsory. It can safely be argued therefore that state parties are merely complying with their obligations under these treaties by making primary education compulsory.

It is significant that education should not only be free but must also meet the minimum national standards. In Nigeria, primary school education is free and compulsory in public primary schools – up to junior secondary school – but highly substandard. Teachers are not well remunerated and trained. Education is given in dilapidated buildings that do not meet requisite health and safety standards. There is a dearth of textbooks and majority of schools cannot boast of any library facilities. For example, evidence of the decay and ruin of primary education lies in the fact that, in a country of over 200 million people, no single child of government functionaries or public servants attends public primary schools. Public servants and government functionaries take their children to private schools that charge fees beyond the reach of the ordinary Nigerian parent.

This is to say that they know that the Nigerian educational system suffers compound dysfunctionality due to what they and their predecessors did to scuttle education in Nigeria. The same could be said of every other sector of our economy and national life. The kids of Nigerian governors and public officials do not study in Nigeria. How can they do that after their parents have succeeded in destroying every public utility and source of social legitimacy? They are soaking the best of western education on public funds. Our President flies abroad for constant medical checks and treatment. The legislators check their blood pressures in Paris, Washington, New York, and some other Western capital. Why wouldn’t they? Their visionless squander mania, incompetence and primitive thievery have succeeded in forestalling the articulation of any healthy policy for our health system and destroyed any policy that showed some potential of success.

In this respect, Nigeria is violating the right to education. Education must be made available to the marginalised and the most vulnerable in the society to ‘overcome the educational disadvantage associated with poverty and exclusion’ and justiciable in Nigeria.

Katarina Tomasveski has rightly observed that failure of State Parties to realise the right to primary education is not derived from inadequate or lack of resources but a combination of other factors; lack of political will and determination; corruption; and misplacement of priority. In most of the countries that lag behind in the realisation of free and compulsory education, military spending and expenditure exceed total spending on education: ‘many governments and intergovernmental agencies are not committed to education as a human right for all children. Military spending far exceeds investment in education around the world; there are at least 150 soldiers for every 100 teachers in the world. Only 2% of educational funds come from international aid. Compulsory education is not supported in global education strategies as this would define education as a public service and a public responsibility’.

VII. Conclusion

In this discourse, we have examined the nexus between poverty and violence. It has been shown that unemployment, poverty, and injustices are prevalent in Nigeria. These are major drivers of the extreme violence and insecurity in the country. In addition, it has been shown that the Police and the Judiciary as presently constituted are incapable of bed rocking democracy, good governance, and a just and egalitarian society. The incumbent federal government does not help matters with lopsided key appointments and seeming tolerance for misbehaviour in certain parts of the country, and high handedness in other parts of the country. All these have combined to put the country on the precipice. We have offered a leeway:  promotion of inclusivity of all ethnic groups, entrenchment of justice, amendment of the Constitution to permit a major reorganisation of policing, amendment of the Constitution to allow a major reformation of the judiciary,   refocussing on educating the masses and giving access to qualitative and compulsory primary education and revising the fiscal relationships in the federation to promote peace and stability. Finally, there is an urgent imperative to start a conversation on the need to revert to a regional system of government where significant powers will lie in the region and royalties or tax will be paid to the federal government. The present form of federalism is seemingly unsustainable.

[1] “What Does ‘State Fragility’ Mean?”. The Fund for Peace, https://web.archive.org/web/20150104202014/http://ffp.statesindex.org/faq-06-state-fragility.

[2] Boas, Morten and Jennings, Kathleen M. “Insecurity and Development: The Rhetoric of the ‘Failed State’.” European Journal of Development Research, September 2005.

[3]  Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die (Penguin Books: USA, 219) pages 6-7

[4] Rotberg, R. “When States Fail. Causes and Consequences.” Princeton University Press (2004), ISBN 978-0-691-11671-6.

[5]Olayinka Shehu “Buhari’s lopsided appointments in six years continue to generate controversy” Available at: https://www.icirnigeria.org/buharis-lopsided-appointments-in-six-years-continue-to-generate-controversy/  Accessed on the 3^rd of November, 2021.

[6] OXFAM, Inequalities in Nigeria: Exploring the Drivers (2017) Available at: https://www-cdn.oxfam.org/s3fs-public/file_attachments/cr-inequality-in-nigeria-170517-en.pdf Accessed on the 4th November, 2021

[7] Ibid Page 4

[8] Oludayo Tade, “Poverty and Widening Inequality in Nigeria” Available at https://www.vanguardngr.com/2021/07/poverty-and-widening-inequality-in-nigeria/ Accessed on the 4^th of November, 2021.

[9] National Bureau of Statistics, “Unemployment Statistics” Available at: https://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/ Accessed on the 2^nd of November, 2021.

[10] Goldstone J., 2008, ‘Pathways to State Failure’, Conflict Management and Peace Science, vol. 25, no. 4, pp. 285-296

[11]  His Majesty Stationery Office, “Annual Reports of the Colonies: Nigeria” Available at https://libsysdigi.library.illinois.edu/ilharvest/Africana/Books2011-05/3064634/3064634_1931/3064634_1931_opt.pdf Accessed on the 4th of November, 2021

[12] World Bank, “Nigeria” https://datacommons.org/place/country/NGA?utm_medium=explore&mprop=count&popt=Person&hl=en Accessed on the 4^th of November, 2021.